Friday, August 31, 2007

Bayon: New Perspectives by Joyce Clark (ed.)

BOOK REVIEW; Befuddled by the Bayon
1361 words
1 September 2007
Bangkok Post
O3
English
(c) 2007

New research on later Angkor spreads both light and darkness

CHRIS BAKER

BAYON: New Perspectives, Edited by Joyce Clark, River Books (2007), 256pp, 2,245 baht, ISBN 978-9-74-986347-3 : For many visitors to Angkor, the Bayon is the most powerful and perplexing experience. The grandeur of Angkor Wat is easier to grasp and admire, but the sheer eccentricity of the Bayon's design is unnerving. The muddle of war scenes, religious images and homely vignettes of everyday life in the galleries is baffling. The site itself is a maze. And the faces redefine enigma.

Among scholars, the befuddlement is worse. Long after other Angkor monuments were rediscovered, the Bayon was still lost in the trees. Estimated dating of the monument shifted about once a decade. Attempts to interpret its meaning provoked bitter controversy.

With peace in Cambodia, scholars returned to Angkor after a long break, equipped with new theories, new technology and big research grants. The old monopoly of the French School no longer holds sway. This book is a first result of this new era. The title could have been Jayavarman VII Reassessed, or New Perspectives on Later Angkor, but the book focuses on the Bayon, perhaps because it is the most extraordinary "document" of its time. But how to read the damned thing?

The conventional story before the interlude in Khmer scholarship went like this. The Bayon was built by Jayavarman VII in the late twelfth century. Angkor at the time was engaged in constant conflict with the Cham, as attested by the war scenes in the Bayon galleries. Although initially interpreted as Hindu, the monument was revealed as Buddhist. The extraordinary faces, locally identified as "Phrom", probably represent Brahma, but the version incorporated into Buddhism rather than a Hindu original. After Jayavarman VII's death, there was a Hindu reaction in which much of the Bayon's statuary was defaced or destroyed. These conflicts of religion and ethnicity somehow contributed to the decline of Angkor, but nobody was quite sure how.

Claude Jacques and Anne-Valerie Schweyer repaint the picture of a simple Khmer vs Cham hostility. Jayavarman VII spent 15 years of his early manhood in the Cham country and maintained strong political connections there. The scenes in the galleries show mixed groups of Cham and Khmer fighting one another, rather than a simple ethnic divide. Jayavarman VII had ambitions to unite the Khmer and Cham, but this ambition seems to have crumbled amid complex factional quarrels.

Religious conflict is also less stark. Hiram Woodward and T. S. Maxwell dispose of the idea of a black-white rivalry between Hindu and Buddhist camps. When the Indian gods came to Southeast Asia they were given new meanings. Siva, Vishnu and Buddha tend to be pictured together rather than apart. Jayavarman VII certainly embraced Buddhism more warmly than his predecessors, but he did not exclude Siva and Vishnu. Moreover, Maxwell finds another fascinating process at work in the Bayon. The corridors and galleries were originally studded with images, installed by individuals and villages, perhaps to honour their ancestors. These images were given Sanskrit names, but these names cannot be found in religious texts. Probably they are translations of Khmer originals. Maxwell thinks the Bayon was an amazing site of the assimilation between Indic gods and local spirits which took place throughout Southeast Asia.

But who are the massive faces staring down from the great towers, and what do they mean? As no document has been found to answer this question, controversy has been provoked to run riot. Peter Sharrock stokes that controversy. He trawls through all the many candidates offered by previous scholars - Buddha, Lokesvara, Buddharaja, the king himself, a local guardian spirit, Brahma - and rejects all of them. He notes that the striking feature of these faces is the open eyes staring straight ahead. Previous images of the Buddha, Bodhisattvas or the king had eyes closed or lowered. The only analogous images of a Buddhist figure staring so powerfully in all directions, Sharrock claims, are in Nepal. Those originals may date to the same era as the Bayon - a time when Buddhism was being driven out of its Indian place-of-origin by Muslim invaders. In this crisis, Sharrock suggests, Buddhist kings in Nepal and Cambodia were drawn to an image of the Buddha which exuded the power of tantrism. Sharrock suggests the faces are Vajrasattva, a form emerging from tantric meditation. He points to other contemporary examples found at Angkor and Banteay Chamar.

In the longest and most intricate chapter in the book, Olivier Cunin traces the sequence of constructing the Bayon, complete with some extraordinary computer-generated simulations. He argues there were originally several other face-towers, including four on the corners of the outer wall. The monument was not built over a previous building but on a greenfield site. The central shrine on the upper level was constructed first, probably with the original Buddha image already inside. The inner terrace was also built early, within the reign of Jayavarman VII, scotching speculation that its Hindu bas-reliefs may be dated later. A magnetic technique shows that the stone came from seven different quarries, and allows Cunin to map a probable sequence of construction in some detail.

In another exhaustive chapter, Vittorio Roveda catalogues all the scenes carved in the inner gallery, outer gallery and the bases of the towers. He agrees with Groslier that the outer gallery is a personal biography of Jayavarman VII, but disagrees greatly on the detail. Most dramatically, Roveda suggests that the famous scene of a naval battle actually records a festival on the Tonle Sap. Why else would the scene by surrounded by homely vignettes of everyday life? In the inner gallery, he emphasizes the variety of Hindu religious imagery - classic versions of Siva and Vishnu and scenes from the Jataka, Ramayana and Mahabharata.

Claude Jacques trawls through the epigraphy, looking both backwards and forwards from Jayavarman VII's reign. The king's parentage was a mixture of Buddhist and Hindu. Jacques surmises that much of the Bayon was built after his reign.

These new research reports are fascinating but confusing. In an invaluable introduction, Michael Vickery helps to place them in perspective. He elegantly recapitulates the story of the Bayon's discovery and its vexed interpretation. He warns the reader that the contributors to this book are far from a team. On the one hand there are "idealists" who read the great religious texts and find an idea which they believe helps to explain the monument. On the other hand there are "materialists" who swarm over the stone blocks and try to conjure some meaning out of the physical object. Vickery quietly regrets there is nobody able to use the inscriptions and the physical evidence to impose some sense and some discipline on the use of text-based ideas.

This book is a huge stride away from the old simplicities about empire, ethnicity and religious conflict - ideas which fascinated the middle and late twentieth century. The Bayon era can no longer be pictured as the root of some cataclysmic downfall. Vickery and Jacques argue convincingly against the contention that Jayavarman VII's death led to an almost immediate Shaivite reaction and abandonment of the capital soon after. They suggest that Angkor remained occupied and important for another couple of centuries. There was certainly some religious conflict, carried out with rival chisels, but we are a long way from understanding it.

This book is a marvellous and stimulating collection of new scholarship which will fascinate anyone drawn to Angkor. But, like all pioneering scholarship, it raises more questions than it answers. What lies behind the extraordinary novelty and uniqueness of the Bayon? What prompted such an eccentric design? What is the meaning of the everyday scenes in the galleries - a question even more intriguing following Roveda's reinterpretation of the naval battle scene. What is the significance of the images which Maxwell suspects were placed by nobles and villagers throughout the maze of corridors? In short, do we understand anything more about Cambodian society and mentality in the Bayon era?

1 comment:

Unknown said...

My commentary is my own review

New Perspectives on the Bayon?∗
By KARL-HEINZ GOLZIO, Bonn
There is no doubt, that the temple at Angkor called the Bàyon must be considered as the final major sacral building of the Khmer king Jayavarman VII. The book under review, with contributions by a number of distinguished scholars, promises “new perspectives” on the Bayon. In the following I am going to examine which of these perspectives are actually new, and – more importantly – whether the views expressed therein are convincing.
Following the editor’s preface HIRAM WOODWARD, gives a short overview of the reli-gious environment of the Mahāyāna Buddhism represented by Jayavarman VII and his reli-gious buildings, topical themes that are handled at length in the following contributions to the book. As for the date of inscription K. 908 at the Práḥ Khằn temple he follows (p. 5) GEORGE COEDÈS who converted the year, expressed by vedenducandrarūpair “Form-Moon-Moon-Veda”, to 1113 (WOODWARD omits one “moon”) giving “Veda” here the meaning of “3” , corresponding to the initial three Vedas. This however, was interpreted as “4”, by CLAUDE JACQUES (p. 45) and therefore calculated as 1192/93 AD instead of 1191/92. In the same manner JACQUES has also re-interpreted the date of the accession of Jayvarman VII in inscrip-tion K. 368 from Sai Fong, the phrase “Moon-One-Ether-Veda” being explained accordingly as 1104 (1182/83). A glance at inscription K. 488 of the Maṅgalārtha temple, stanza 4, how-ever, would have been sufficient to corroborate the validity of the reading “1103” because here the date of accession of Jayavarman (VII) is given as the year “Heart[1]-Moon[1]-Ether[0]-Eyes[3]” (netrāntarenduhṛdaye).1 So much for this ‘new perspective’.
MICHAEL VICKERY refers in his introduction – essentially arunning commentary to the contributions that follow – on the problematic term ‘Indianization’, before turning to the his-tory of the exploration of the Bayon itself which he divides into four stages.
In his “The historical development of Khmer culture from the death of Sūryavarman II to the 16th century” (pp. 28-49) CLAUDE JACQUES attempts to represent the historical events of this period in quite a peculiar manner. One can agree with him that the supposed identity of Jayavarman VII’s maternal grandfather Harṣavarman with king Harṣavarman III (1067-1080/81?) is unlikely because the temporal gap between them is too wide, and, above all, be-cause Harṣavarman III’s father Sūryavarman I is never mentioned in the inscriptions of the so-called “Dynasty of Mahīdharapura” (the dynasty of Jayavarman VII). On the other hand, the supposed origin of that family from the kings Śrutavarman and Śreṣṭhavarman of the line of Kambu is obviously an articial construct, already used during the reign of Rājendravarman II (944-968) who, however, only mentioned Śrutavarman.2
Furthermore, JACQUES attempts to identify the hitherto unidentifiable city of Jayādit-yapura, from where Jayavarman VII’s mother Jayarājacūḍāmaṇi hailed, with Práḥ Khằn in the province of Práḥ Vĭhãr (13°24’ N, 104°45’ E), but this is only a speculation. JACQUES does
∗ JOYCE CLARK, ed.: Bayon: New Perspectives. Bangkok: River Books 2007. IX, 403 pp. ISBN 978-974-9863-47-3. US$ 75.00.
1 LOUIS FINOT, “Inscriptions d’Aṅkor XI: Temple de Maṅgalārtha à Aṅkor Thoṃ”, BEFEO XXV, 1925, pp. 393-406.
2 See MICHAEL VICKERY, Society, Economics, and Politics in pre-Angkor Cambodia: The 7th-8th centuries, To-kyo: The Toyo Bunko, 1998, pp. 39-42).
not mention that Jayavarman VII’s paternal grandfather, Mahīdharāditya, was the brother of the mother of his great predecessor, king Sūryavarman II. (1112/13-ca.1150?).3
An idée fixe of JACQUES is his assumption that Yaśovarman II, a successor king of Sūryavarman II, was killed by a dignitary named Tribhuvanāditya who then ascended the throne of the Khmer empire. For this he relies on the Phĭmãnàkàs inscription K. 485, report-ing that a – not specifically mentioned – servant (bhṛtya) might have rebelled against Yaśo-varman II and killed him. The future Jayavarman VII hurried from Vijaya in Campā in order to help the king, but came too late and thus had to wait for a more favorable time. However, other inscriptions provide more information about the rebel. In inscription K. 288 of Pràsàt Čruṅ we learn (stanza 108) that Tribhuvanāditya, “due to the victory of the Being (bhūmat) Rāhu [Daityatamas] (bhūmā[?]daityatamojayāt), has taken over the unprotected realm (vinā rakṣāṃ rājyam) of Yaśovarman” (Inscriptions du Cambodge IV, pp. 209-231). Instead, JACQUES has changed this passage randomly into …bhūpād etya lavodayāt…, “after Yaśo-varman returned from an expedition against Lavodaya (Lopburi)” (p. 38). This was done in order to escape the reference to Rāhu, mentioned also in another inscription (see below); moreover, a question arises about the meaning of the use of the ablative of bhūpa, “king”. JEAN BOISSELIER, too, complained, as to why JACQUES did not translate the pun daityatamo-jayāt.4 The inscription K. 227 from Bantãy Čhmar5 also clearly speaks of the revolt of a Bharata Rāhu: “Bharata Rāhu showed his spirit of treachery by taking the holy palace of Ya-śovarman in the royal city» (nā bharata rāhu saṃ vuddhi droha tantalum vraḥ pāda śrīyaśo-varmmadeva pi thleṅ cap vraḥ mandira is vala nagara). The demonic nature of the rebels is also depicted on a bas-relief at the temple of Bantãy Čhmar showing two people with animal heads. If Tribhuvanāditya would be considered by Jayavarman VII as a demonic rebel, he hardly would have found a place in a temple for dead kings. Although the consecrated forms of kings Yaśovarman II and Tribhuvanāditya as well as the God victorious over the Cham people, Cāmpeśvara are mentioned in three successive stanzas (36-38) of inscription K. 908 of the temple of Jayaśrī / Práḥ Khằn,6 namely as Yaśovarmeśvara and Tribhuvanavarmevara, they have obviously escaped the selective awareness of JACQUES (p. 47).
In addition, Yaśovarmeśvara and Tribhuvanavarmeśvara were honoured in two other Práḥ Khằn inscriptions, K. 907 and K. 906.7 JACQUES then briefly discusses the changing re-lationships between the Khmer and the Cham, particularly at the time of Sūryavarman II. It is no longer true that in historical abridgements in general the Cham appear as the main enemies of the Khmers. A brilliant counter example is the article „Chinesische und vietnamesische
3 See COEDES, «Nouvelles données chronologiques et généalogiques sur la dynastie de Mahīdharapura», In: BEFEO XXIX, 1929, pp. 297-330, on p. 301.
4 «Cette lecture, en faisant disparaître le jeu des mots daityatamojayāt ...», p. 121, note 15in his articele «La royauté khmère dans le seconde moitié du XIIe siècle: Les prédécesseurs de Jayavarman VII», Indologica Taurinensia, vol. 14, 1987-88, pp. 117-143.
5 COEDES, «Nouvelles données…», p. 309, line 7 ff.
6 Cf. COEDES, “La stèle de Práḥ Khằn d’Aṅkor”, In: BEFEO XLI, 1941, pp. 255-301, here: pp. 274 and 288)
7 See COEDES, “L’épigraphie des monuments de Jayavarman VII”, In: BEFEO XLIV, 1947-1950, pp. 97-119, on pp. 111 and 113; also KARL-HEINZ GOLZIO, „Śiva nur noch auf Platz Zwei!? Der Buddhismus des Angkor-Herrschers Jayavarman VII. und die Integration des Hinduismus“, Indica et Tibetica. Festschrift für Michael Hahn zum 65. Geburtstag von Freunden und Schülern überreicht. Hrsg. von KONRAD KLAUS und JENS-UWE HARTMANN, Wien 2007, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 66, pp. 183-191.
Berichte über Kambodscha während des 12. Jh. n. Chr.“ by WILLIAM AELRED SOUTHWORTH.8 JACQUES’s presentation of an entente cordiale between the Khmer and Cham, based on the fact that Sūryavarman II married a Cham princess and launched common campaigns with the Cham against Ðại Việt, is also only partially true. At the end of his reign he invaded the Cham realms of Vijaya and Pāṇḍuraṅga, but was defeated heavily by Jaya Harivarman, the king of the latter.9 Therefore, the aggressor was clearly the Khmer king and not the ruler of Pāṇḍuraṅga, as maintained by JACQUES (p. 35). As the battles against the Cham during the rule of Jayavarman VII are discussed in other parts of the book, these will be dealt with below. Large parts of the interpretation that follows are highly speculative. A fundamental histo-riographical problem of Cambodia in the 13th century is what I call the horror vacui, namely the attempt to present a uninterrupted list of successive kings beginning with Jayavarman VII (1181-1218/20), followed by Indravarman II (1218/20-1243; according to JACQUES 1218-1270) and Jayavarman VIII (1243-1295; pace JACQUES: 1270-1295). In spite of the different datings it is regarded as axiomatic that there were only these three kings because others are not known. But, in fact, we have only a few inscriptions giving sparse accounts. In this way, JACQUES relies for the end of the rule of Jayavarman VII on a recently discovered inscription K. 1234 with the date 1217/18 in which a Jayavarman is mentioned. It is naturally assumed that it is again the number VII of that name, although there is no evidence whatsoever. The existence of a Jayavarman VIIbis is also possible, and because our knowledge about this cen-tury is so deficient, even a Jayavarman VII3 and VII4 cannot a priori be excluded. One of the few secure facts is that of the year of death of king Indravarman II, according to K. 488, the inscriptioned mentioned above. The reading of the date as pañca-ṣaṭ-candre-candre (5-6-1-1 / 1165 = 1243/44 AD) in stanza 13 cannot be changed without great difficulty, but JACQUES (p. 41) informs us that his friend GERDI GERSCHEIMER has, through new computations, calculated the date as 1270 AD. Here one would at least expect this new date to be explained in more detail, but instead the author refers only vaguely to a future publication. Irrespective of which date one gives preference, it does not follow automatically that Jayavarman VIII was the di-rect successor of Indravarman II. However, this reviewer thinks it possible that the year of the accession of Jayavarman VIII comes very close to 1270: we know from a late inscription of the Bayon, K. 470 that this initially Buddhist sanctuary was used at the time by Śaivites.10 The ruler is to be indicated by his posthumous name of Jayavarmadeva Parameśvara, whom COEDÈS considered to be different from Jayavarmadeva Parameśvarapada (Jayavarman VIII). In principle this is possible, but according to the undated inscription K. 300 seems unlikely:11 Here, the successor of the obviously Śaivite king Śrīśrīndravarman (Indravarman II) is only indirectly mentioned as Jayavarman Parameśvara: indirectly, because in the inscription only the name of Jayavarmādiparameśvara appears, “Jayavarman who first bore [the posthumous name of] Parameśvara”, i. e. Jayavarman II. Since COEDÈS assumed the existence of two dif-ferent rulers, he interpreted the date of inscription K. 470 (āśvayuja navaśakha thoḥ nakṣatra, “in the month of Āśvayuja of the year of the hare, in the ninth decade”) as 1327, which is quite possible as there is no date (of the Śaka era) given. However, it also allows a date in September 1267, which could then be the date of the accession of Jayavarman VIII. If this is
8 In: Macht und Glanz des alten Kambodscha, ed. by KARL-HEINZ GOLZIO und ANNETTE HEITMANN, Orientie-rungen Themenheft 2007, München 2007, pp. 90-125.
9 SOUTHWORTH, pp. 105-106.
10 Inscriptions du Cambodge II, pp. 187-189.
11 Inscriptions sanscrites de Campā et du Cambodge, par ABEL BERGAIGNE et A[UGUSTE] BARTH, Paris 1885-1893, pp. 560-588)
the case, the king Jayavarman IX and the date of 1327 would be fictitious.12 It should be stressed that these considerations are only possiblities which could be just as certain – or not –as any other opinions promulgated in the book under review. Nobody can say with certainty, therefore, under which ruler the iconoclasm towards Buddhist sanctuaries occurred.
There is one point, however, upon which the reviewer agrees unconditionally with JACQUES: that the Angkorian Empire in the 13th century experienced a period of economic growth and that this was in no way a period of decline.
ANNE-VALERIE SCHWEYER repeats in her contribution, “The confrontation of the Khmers and Chams in the Bayon period” (pp. 50-71) some of the stereotypes owed to JACQUES, in particular the revolt of Tribhuvanāditya against Yaśovarman II which was actu-ally set in motion by a certain Bharata Rāhu (see above). The uncertainities in respect to the conquest of Angkor through the army of a Cham king, the war of Jayavarman VII against the Cham, and his accession to the throne are properly worked out, based partly on the account of the Khmer king himself regarding his temporary stay in Vijaya. The article also deals in detail with the eventful relationship between the Khmer and the Cham with special regard to Ðại Việt and China since the 11th century. On the other hand, the author shows her unfamilarity with Chinese sources, saying that the Cham ruler called by the Chinese Yāng Bǔ Mādié 楊卜麻疊was recognized by the Song court “during the reign of Zhènghé (c.1111-1118)” as great vassal (p. 56). However, there was no emperor named Zhènghé政和 , as this was the fourth title of reign of the Song emperor Zhao Ji趙 佶 (temple name Huizong徽 宗, r. 1100-1126) valid from the 10th February 1111 to the 11th February 1119, which is also clearly expressed by the translator of the Wenxian tongkao文獻通考of Ma Duanlin馬端臨, the marquis LÉON D’HERVEY DE SAINT-DENYS: “Le roi qui régnait dans les années tching-ho (1111-1118) se nommait Yang-po-mo-tie”.13 It should be emphasized again that the work of SOUTHWORTH, mentioned above, is more accurate than what appears in CLARK’s volume here. Inspite of this, however, SCHWEYER’s contribution offers an abundance of valuable information, in particular of the Cham inscriptions, which are a useful complement to the history of the Khmer.
T[HOMAS] S[TUART] MAXWELL deals in his contribution, “Religion at the time of Jayavarman VII” (pp. 72-135) first with the adaptation of Indian cultural elements in South East Asia in general and in Cambodia in particular. The author describes this modification in respect to religion as follows: “When a religion is transmitted to another time or place, the means of transmission is its own language; without this its symbols and concepts are mean-ingless” (p. 74). In an excursus, the earliest Sanskrit inscriptions in Kalimantan and Java are being dealt with, showing the localization of Indian religious traditions, imbedded into a new context. In Cambodia one can observe since the first centuries AD, a co-existence of the relig-ions known to us today as Buddhism and Hinduism at several intersections: cosmic deities could be represented visibly and publicly as statues (unlike the invisible gods of the local Khmer religion or personal deities) in the hierarchy of a precisely organized pantheon while the immediate relationship between the abstract body of thought and the actual organization of the society was mediated by a “caste” system and through the institution of a kingship au-thorized through “gods”. These ideas and the language in which they were expressed (San-skrit) facilitated a religious and political modification of Khmer society – without, however, giving up the essential components of local social and religious structures, with which, to a certain measure, the Indian ideas were merged. MAXWELL shows in numerous examples that before the time of Jayavarman VII specific religious concepts known from India were ad-
12 See GOLZIO, „Der ‚Untergang’ von Angkor – Wissenschaftsmythos oder Realität?“; in: Macht und Glanz des alten Kambodscha, pp. 227-240, here p. 228).
13 Ethnographie des peuples étrangers à la Chine; ouvrage composé au XIIIe siècle de notre ère par Ma-Touan-lin, Genève: H. Georg 1876-1883, II, p. 553).
vanced and modified. This syncretism of initially Indian religions and cults that occurred in Cambodia became a feature of everyday life and belief. MAXWELL quotes KAMALESWAR BHATTACHARYA who has shown this very clearly through the inscriptions of Pràsàt Práḥ Khsèt14 and Trapãṅ Dón Ón (1129), which mention the “Buddha of the Bamboo Grove” (vaṃśārāma-jina). The first records the installation of four deities: a śivaliṅga, Viṣṇu, Brahmā and the Buddha; the latter was installed separately in a bamboo grove or in a place bearing that name (Vaṃśārāma in Sanskrit, Chpãr Ransi in Khmer, a famous Buddhist shrine men-tioned in several inscriptions). According to the text these statues formed a Śaiva tetrad (śaivī caturmūrti). This concept of a tetrad or caturmūrti is very common in India and is most closely associated with Viṣṇu, a pentad with Śiva. The inscription demonstrates that the Hindu Trimūrti (triad, consisting of Śiva, Viṣṇu, and Brahmā) dominated by Śiva, with the inclusion of the Buddha, also forms a group of four. Therefore, the integration of the Buddha into Hindu religion with Śiva in the center was socially accepted here. In the temples of Jayavarman VII, however, a conscious converse of the emphases occurred, with a shift away from Hinduism incorporating Buddhism to a Buddhism incorporating Hinduism. This was undoubtedly part of a planned political strategy, whose purpose was to bring all Khmer fields under a centralized control and to construct a new system of domination. This conception is in particular realized at the Bayon temple in its central tower where a colossal statue of the his-torical Buddha was installed. MAXWELL shows through the contents of the numerous shrine inscriptions of the Bayon that they, in spite of their brevity, represent a list of deities revered in the temple (the foundation stele of this temple has not been found). Equally, the place of the shrines within the complex, and the names of many prominent persons, cities and prov-inces of ancient Cambodia are mentioned as well; these are related to some of the deities or can be identified with them. These inscriptions are the only real basis for the assumption that the Bàyon was planned as an architectural microcosm of the Khmer empire.
In the appendix of this article the author has given transcriptions and translations of these inscriptions in which the deities revered in the temple are mentioned. They provide a good picture of the entire pantheon subordinated to the Buddha, consisting of Hindu and Bud-dhist deities, deities of the directions, personal deities and so forth (the location of the inscrip-tions is well documented in the additional plans). It deals only briefly with the importance of the face towers, unknown from an Indian context (with the exception of a record of the Chi-nese pilgrim Yijing from the end of the 7th century AD). Faces are only known from the win-dow frames of temple towers like those at Bajaurā, which may possibly have served as mod-els. In this contribution MAXWELL is still of the opinion that the faces could represent aspects of the deity revered in the central sanctuary (p. 100); however, in a contribution on the same topic in another publication he opines that the faces might rather be protective gods.15
Another interpretation is presented by PETER D. SHARROCK in his contribution “The mystery of the face towers” (pp. 230-281), which first deals with various former interpreta-tions that were modified according to the multiple re-datings of the Bàyon. SHARROCK makes a proposal that they might be representations of the Buddha Vajrasattva, erected in a lost Tan-tric stage of the rule of Jayavarman VII. Despite the fact that it is completely unsure how long this king ruled (see above), his assumed historical connection to the fall of Buddhism in Ben-gal under the campaigns of Muḥammad Baḫtiyār from 1197 is not really provable at all. SHARROCK speaks of the years 1197-1207, but this is pure speculation because an immediate effect was assumed by the author. There is, of course, no doubt that Tantric Buddhism has existed for a long time in Cambodia, as can be seen, for example, by the Hevajra statue from
14 As due of a lacuna no month of the given date is known, two dates are possible: either Sunday, 27th May 1067 or Sunday, 21st October 1067 (the reviewer)]
15 “Der Bàyon”, In: Macht und Glanz des alten Kambodscha, pp. 126-209.
Bantãy Kdĕi from the 2nd half of the 11th century.16 In the same way, the supposed connection to the Harmikās provided with eyes from Stūpas in the Kathmandu valley is again a pure speculation, especially since it is completely uncertain as to when they were built. Defending of the indisputable fact that Tantric Buddhism existed at the time of Jayavarman VII, the au-thor attributes too many figures to it, among them even the so-called “giants” of the Churning of the Milk Ocean on the causeway to Angkor Thom.
By contrast, OLIVIER CUNIN’s contribution “The Bayon: an archaeological and archi-tectural study” (pp. 136-208) lacks any kind of speculation and is rich in information. By means of numerous diagrams, elevations and photographs, the different stages in the construc-tion of the monuments are explained. The author has identified in total four stages and worked out a relative chronology between them. It appears that this complex building is a synthesis of the other sacral buildings of Jayavarman VII such as Tà Prohm, Práḥ Khằn and Bantãy Čhmàr. Although the Bàyon may be the symbolic and geometric centre of Angkor Thom, it seems that it is not, however, the centre of the overall urban layout. In order to faciltate identification of the various structures which comprises the Bayon, CUNIN has adopted as a means of classi-fication the centrifugal and chronological numbering system developed by HENRI PARMENTIER in 1927 and modified by JACQUES DUMARÇAY in 1967, adding the prefix BY for Bayon. This enables the reader to identify the exact location of doors, doorways, reliefs, in-scriptions and other structures, also mentioned in part in the other contributions. Of great im-portance are the observations relating to the diverse construction campaigns, resulting in many changes to the building. For example, the fourth and last phase in the evolution of the Bayon did not involve any major upheavals in the architectural structure of the temple, but rather in its decoration. Following BRUNO DAGENS, the original iconography is interpreted as Mahāyāna Buddhist, dating to the reign of Jayavarman VII and his direct successor(s); the second period, during the latter half of the 13th century, was Śaivite and was a reaction against the Buddhist iconography, while the third was Buddhist again, but this time of the Theravāda school, turning against the iconographic modifications carried out by the Śaivites. CUNIN has pointed out that his study of the Bàyon is not exhaustive and many of the hypotheses pre-sented remain to be confirmed at a future date.
VITTORIO ROVEDA presents the “Reliefs of the Bayon” (pp. 282-361), discussing their meaning and background. This contribution is in some respect a kind of catalogue, describing the various mythological and historical scenes that are sculpted here. Thus the outer gallery reliefs depict events which are not arranged in sequential or chronological order. The themes are all of secular type, with no sign of Buddhist iconography. ROVEDA’s opinion about the death of Tribhuvanāditya in 1181 (p. 351) has no historical basis at all, as the different Chi-nese sources and inscription K. 288 (see above) as well mentioned the killing of this king by the Cham ruler Jaya Indravarman in 1177. Whether Jayavarman VII had to fight “more pre-tenders to the throne” is at the very least speculative. It is true that there is no epigraphical evidence of a “naval battle”, but it is also true that there is no counter-evidence. In the Zhufan zhi諸蕃志of Zhao Rugua趙汝适, composed in 1225, it is recorded that the ruler of Campā invaded the capital of Zhenla (Cambodia) with boats in the fourth year [of the Chunxi淳熙title of reign], in the 5th month, on the 15th day [13th June 1177] (see SOUTHWORTH, pp. 112-
16 See Angkor – göttliches Erbe Kambodschas, exhibition catalogue, Bonn: Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 2006, p. 216)
113). This record is not - as ROVEDA believes - derived “from a secondhand, 14th-century Chinese report”, but reveals again the kind of research that can also be found in some other contributions to this book.
In the article “In the beginning was the Bayon” (pp. 364-377) ANG CHOULEAN tries to connect a Khmer creation myth of uncertain origin with the well-known Indian myth of the “Churning of the Milk Ocean” (samudramathana), because in both stories a snake plays an important role. According to the first legend, a king of the snakes, the father-in-law of a Khmer cultural hero, emerged on a visit through an ancient well of a temple, but was over-whelmed by panic, seeing everywhere faces of Brahmā. The author believes that this story is connected to the Bayon and its face towers. This may or may not be true, but the author goes further, presenting some other stories in which snakes were supposedly of some importance. However, he has overlooked the fact that in the story of Huntian 混塡and the queen Liuye 柳葉, as recorded in the Chinese annals, Huntian is neither a brahmin nor is Liuye a serpent girl.17 For this reason, it has nothing to do with the story in the Cham inscription C. 96 (dated Sunday, 18th February 658), according to which the brahmin Kauṇḍinya, friend of one of the heroes of the Indian epic Mahābhārata, married the daughter of a king of the serpents who fell in love with him. The rejection of the statement that the Khmer did not know that their ancestors had built the monuments of Angkor, is only justified for the period in which inscrip-tions were continuously carved at Angkor Vat. In the later chronicles, with their strong Theravādic flavour, the construction of the temples is indeed attributed to divine powers. Yet, the general question remains: What does this article tell us about the Bàyon?
In conclusion, not all “new perspectives” in this book are either new or convincing. Some of them are even based on a selective use of material or on doubtful interpretations, while others show a very solid grounding using the temple itself as evidence.
17 Paul Pelliot, „Le Fou-nan“, In: BEFEO III, 1903, pp. 248-303; Ang Choulean refers here to pages 254, 256, 265. This reference, by the way, is not listed in the bibliography at the end of the book, pp. 380-389.